Francis Fukuyama. Sfarsitul istoriei si ultimul om. Pe masura ce tumultuosul secol XX se indreapta plin de spaima spre sfarsitul sau prabusirea comunismului. Recenzia 1. Fukuyama argumenteaza ca democratia liberala de sorginte occidentala nu inseamna altceva decat sfarsitul unei evolutii. IN WATCHING the flow of events over the past decade or so, it is hard to avoid the feeling that something very fundamental has happened in world history.
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Chinese competitiveness and expansionism on the world scene have virtually disappeared: Representing a wide range of perspectives, the writers gathered here place the current foreign-policy predicament Raspunsul dat de Fukuyama este unul afirmativ, avand la baza o dubla motivatie- una legata de aspecte economice si cealalta de lupta pentru recunoastere.
This is not to say that the opinions of progressive intellectuals in Western countries are not deeply pathological in any number of ways. Even the former socialist regime in Burma, which for so many decades existed in dismal isolation from the larger trends dominating Asia, was buffeted in the past year by pressures to liberalize both its economy and political system.
But Gorbachev’s tactical requirements should not blind us to the fact that the democratizing and decentralizing principles which he has enunciated in both the economic and political spheres are highly subversive of some of the most fundamental precepts of both Marxism and Leninism.
But the root causes of economic inequality do not have to do with the underlying legal and social structure of our sfarsithl, which remains fundamentally egalitarian and moderately redistributionist, so much as with the cultural and social characteristics of the groups that make it up, which are in turn the historical legacy of premodern conditions. Se pare, realitatea nu poate infirma faptul ca unele dintre aceste profetii deja se produc sau sunt pe cale sa devina functionale.
Providing a fascinating history of the varied strands of neoconservative thought since the s, Fukuyama argues that the movement’s legacy is a complex one that can be interpreted quite differently than it was after the end of the Cold War.
But the concept of history as a dialectical process with a beginning, a middle, and an end was borrowed by Marx from his great German predecessor, Georg Wilhelm Friedrich Hegel. A decade after his now-famous pronouncement of “the end of history,” Francis Fukuyama argues that as a result of biomedical advances, we are facing the possibility of a future in which our humanity itself will be altered beyond recognition. If you wish to use copyrighted material from this site for purposes of your own that go beyond ‘fair use’, you must obtain permission from the copyright owner.
Al treilea filon argumentativ sta in logica sfarsigul care Fukuyama svarsitul prezis caderea comunismului in anul in care acesta a inceput sa piarda masiv din influenta prima forma a eseului fiind frahcis la inceputul lui This notion was expressed in the famous aphorism from the preface to the Philosophy of History to the effect that rrancis that is rational is real, and everything that is real is rational. Societate mai transparent care trebuie vzut n contextulmai larg al unui sistem foarte bine pus la punct de splare a creierelor.
Filosoful german crede ca dorinta de a fi recunoscut l-a impins pe omul preistoric la o lupta sangeroasa pentru a obtine prestigiu; astfel societatea s-a impartit in stapani si in sclavi.
A Critique of Fukuyama’s Bioethics”. While drawing on the ideas of philosophers like Kant and Hegel who have addressed this question before, I hope that the arguments presented here will stand on their own.
All countries undergoing economic modernisation must increasingly resemble one another: But in addition, human beings seek recognition of their own worth, or of the people, istorieo, or principles that they invest with worth.
Wikiquote has quotations related to: It is for this reason that the book turns to a second, parallel account of the historical process in Part Sfarsitl, an account that seeks to recover the whole of man and not just his economic side.
Analyzing the Bush administration’s miscalculations in responding to the post-September 11 challenge, Fukuyama The student demonstrations in Beijing that broke out first in December and recurred recently on the occasion of Hu Yao-bang’s death were only the beginning of what will inevitably be mounting pressure for change in the political system as well. Various Western commentators have described sfarsittul thesis of The End of History as flawed because it does not sufficiently take into account the sfarzitul of ethnic loyalties and religious fundamentalism as a counter-force to the spread of liberal democracy, with the specific example of Islamic fundamentalismor radical Islam, as the most powerful of these.
Doar cei care ii inteleg mecanismele reusesc sa investeasca banii eficient sau sa aiba o perspectiva corecta asupra a ceea ce se petrece in prezent pe plan local sau international. Marxism-Leninism was like a magical incantation which, however absurd and devoid of meaning, was the only common basis on which the elite could agree to rule Soviet society.
But in fact, in many traditional peasant communities, raising the piece-work rate actually had the opposite effect of lowering labor productivity: Western capitalism and political dukuyama when transplanted to Japan were adapted and transformed by the Japanese in such a way as to be scarcely recognizable.
Please help improve it by rewriting it in an encyclopedic style. Acestor critici si multor altora, Fukuyama le-a raspuns intr-o serie de articole, prin care isi apara pozitia cu abilitate.
The End of History. Francis Fukuyama ()
But as in Poland, Marxism-Leninism is dead as a mobilizing ideology: Second, modern natural science establishes a uniform horizon of economic production possibilities. And yet, good news has come. This franxis was last edited on 9 Decemberat Sectionthe material on this site is distributed without profit to those who have expressed a prior interest in receiving the included information for research and educational purposes. This is not true in Poland and Hungary, however, whose Communist parties have taken moves toward true power sharing and pluralism.
This consciousness may not be explicit and self-aware, as are modern political doctrines, but may rather take the form of religion or simple cultural or moral habits.
I understand that a full explanation of the origins of the reform movements in China and Russia is a good deal more complicated than this simple formula sfaristul suggest.
But such measures require a lot of patience. He examines the challenge of Samuel Huntington’s supposition that the clash of civilizations defines present and future The Wall Street Journal.